Tuesday, August 22, 2017

Luttrell of Luttrellstown: early records

Luttrell of Luttrellstown: early records

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Introduction

In 1768 Simon Luttrell of Luttrellstown near Dublin was raised to the peerage and took the title of Baron Irnham. Later in 1781 and 1785 he was created Viscount Carhampton nd Earl of Carhampton respectively. With these titles Simon Luttrell was claiming to be a descendant of the original stock of Luttrell of Lincolnshire and more particularly that of the branch of the Luttrell family established in Somerset. But there is no evidence to support this connection with the Somerset family. Indeed the Luttrell arms of Luttrellstown which bore a chevron between three otters was different from the Luttrell family of Dunster, Somerset which was a bend between six mantlets.[1]

Luttrellstown Castle

Early Luttrells in Ireland

The first of the Luttrell family to be associated with Ireland was Geoffrey Luttrell in the time of King John. As well as serving the King in that country, Geoffrey Luttrell acquired some land.[2] In 1218 an inquisition into these lands was ordered as Philip Marc was to have custody of the property during the minority of Geoffrey’s heir. Other documents tell us the heir was a daughter and Philip Marc had the right of marriage.[3] Because Geoffrey Luttrell left a female heir it is unlikely that the later Luttrells of Luttrellstown were his descendants.

Additional documents show other people by the name of Luttrell living in medieval Ireland. In 1228 Robert Luttrell was canon of St. Patrick’s Dublin and treasurer of the cathedral. In 1245 Robert Luttrell served for a short time as Chancellor of Ireland.[4] Towards the end of the thirteenth century Michael Luttrell held land near Lucan, Co. Dublin.[5] In 1300 Nicholas Luttrell was involved in the court case between Reginald de Dene and Thomas son of Alured.[6] In about 1306 Geoffrey Luttrell was a witness in an inquisition by Walter de la Haye concerning the property of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist outside the New Gate of Dublin.[7] In 1349 Simon Luttrell lived near Lucan and in the reign of Henry V, Robert Luttrell, son of John Luttrell, claimed to own the lands of the afore mentioned Simon Luttrell.[8] In about 1360 another Michael Luttrell held about 50 acres of the Archbishop of Dublin at Johnston.[9] This was possibly the same Michael Luttrell who was a witness concerning the Archbishop of Dublin’s property around Finglas.[10] In 1391 John Luttrell was one of the attorneys for the parson of Ballygarth.[11]

Robert Luttrell

The first of the Luttrell family to be associated with Luttrellstown as per the documentary evidence was Robert Luttrell in the early fifteenth century. In 1408 Robert Luttrell is mentioned as tenant of Luttrellstown from the Tyrell family at the manor of Castleknock. William Bolthame was an under tenant of Robert at Luttrellstown by the service of 20d rent. William Bolthame was also a tenant of Robert Luttrell at Tyremoln, Barbiestown, and Fynnaghland.[12] In about 1402 Robert Luttrell took Nicholas Whit, vicar of Carbery, to the common bench at Carlow on a plea of debt.[13] In 1420 Robert Luttrell was one of the subsidy collectors and again in 1421 when he was assisted by John Luttrell.[14]

Luttrellstown castle 

Christopher Luttrell

In the mid fifteenth century Christopher Luttrell was the owner of Luttrellstown. On 25th March 1455 Christopher Luttrell of Clonchillagh (Clonsilla) died leaving a son called Thomas Luttrell who was nineteen years old and married to Elena, daughter of Philip Bellew. On 4th August 1455 an inquisition post mortem held at Castleknock, Co. Dublin found Christopher Luttrell to have Luttrellstown, held of the manor of Castleknock for 3s 4d per annum; along with Clonsilla which was held of the same manor at 30s per annum; a piece of ground called Tyremolyn which was held at 8s per annum and Barbyeston, held of Castleknock at 47s per annum. For these lands, Christopher Luttrell did royal service and suit of court at the manor of Castleknock.[15]

This inquisition shows that the Luttrell family had Luttrellstown in 1455 but that they were living in Clonsilla. It also shows that the family held no land in chief of the king but instead rented Luttrellstown and other lands from the manor of Castleknock. Evidence from elsewhere shows the Tyrrell family as lords of Castleknock in 1255 and 1355 and possibly in the time of Christopher Luttrell.[16] In 1537 John Burnell and Sir Christopher Barnewall shared the manor of Castleknock in two halves.[17]

Not all the land in Luttrellstown was the sole possession of the Luttrell family. In 1537 John Burnell, lord of Castleknock, held some land in Luttrellstown.[18]

Thomas Luttrell

The heir of Christopher Luttrell was a nineteen year old son called Thomas Luttrell. In 1532 Thomas Luttrell of Luttrellstown owed fealty and suit for lands at Baltra to Thomas Holywood (died 26th September 1532).[19] On 27th June 1541 Peter, Earl of Ormond, granted 4 marks per year to Thomas Luttrell of Luttrellstown for good service from the lands formerly held by George Shaw.[20] In 1547 Thomas Luttrell of Luttrellstown rented two messuages in Esker from St. Patrick’s Cathedral.[21]

As an ambitious landowner Sir Thomas Luttrell got involved in the dissolution of the monasteries acquired the lands of St Mary's Abbey at Coolmine. Yet previous to 1540 Sir Thomas Luttrell had a lease on a number of religious properties including the tithes of Clane, Co. Kildare from Kilmainham priory along with the rectories of Rathmoylan and Killocongon in Co. Meath.[22] In politics from 1532 to 1554 Sir Thomas Luttrell was Chief Justice of the Irish Common Pleas.

The will of Sir Thomas Luttrell of Luttrellstown, written on 31st December 1553, listed lands in many different places. Some of these lands were held by ancient inheritance but other property was recently acquired such as the seven parishes which were formerly owned by the dissolved house of St. John the Baptist outside the New Gate.[23]

In his will Thomas Luttrell of Luttrellstown proposed to divide his estate among his six sons, James, Simon, Robert, John, Walter and Christopher. While the sons were under twenty years of age the rents of the Luttrell property would be received by Thomas Luttrell’s brother-in-law, John Plunket of Dunshaughlin, James Barnewall, his brother, Robert Luttrell Archdeacon of Meath and his sons-in-law Luke Nettervill and Thomas Dillon. Thomas Luttrell also provided for his daughters. Maude Luttrell was to get a marriage portion of £200 while Amy, wife of Thomas Dillon, and Margaret, wife of Luke Nettervill, were to get £10 each.[24]

Christopher Luttrell

The son and heir of Thomas Luttrell was Christopher Luttrell and he was to have the manor and manor house of Luttrellstown along with property at Knockrudder, Babeston, Curtayheston, Ashburneslandes, Ballynconulley, Delquin, Ballydonnogh, Stagery, Ballmakee, Brewon and all the lands in the parish of Clonsilla with reminder to James, Simon, John and Walter Luttrell. Christopher Luttrell was also to receive the family silver of basins and spoons. If James Luttrell should succeed to Luttrellstown and the other property of Christopher Luttrell then he was to cease to have Athboy which would pass to Simon Luttrell and if Simon Luttrell succeeded then Athboy was to go to Robert Luttrell and so on.

If all these brothers should die or fail to produce male heirs, Nicholas Luttrell, son of Robert Luttrell was to succeed. Robert Luttrell was an uncle of Thomas Luttrell of Luttrellstown.[25]

Elsewhere in the will Thomas Luttrell directed that the manors of Dunboyne and Moymitt along with the tithes of Colonshilighe, the lands of Dunboyne called Sopocke, held on lease from Patrick Luttrell, certain lands in Clanhuston and Dunboyne, the lands ad rents in Skagobbe, Hunteiston and other property were to go to the son who inherited Luttrellstown. But if that son was a minor the revenue of the aforesaid property would be shared among the surviving sons.[26]

Other bequests of Thomas Luttrell

In his will, Thomas Luttrell of Luttrellstown also left bequests to other family members such as £200 to Anne Luttrell, daughter of his son Richard Luttrell. But if Anne Luttrell married Edward Plunket of Balrathe, the wardship of whom Thomas Luttrell had purchased, then Anne was to get only 50 marks. Elizabeth Luttrell, daughter of Simon Luttrell, Thomas’s brother was to get 50 marks also as she was already married. Her sisters, Mary and Catherine were unmarried and so they were given £200 each as a marriage portion.[27]  

Towards the end of his will, Thomas Luttrell directed that money be spent on the repair of Malahide Bridge. He also asked for the chancel of Clonsilla church to be widened and his tomb placed in this new part of the church.[28] On 15th May 1554 Thomas Luttrell of Luttrellstown died.[29]

The Luttrell family continued at Luttrellstown castle until 1811 when the then owner, Henry Lawes Luttrell, 2nd Earl of Carhampton, sold it to Henry White, a successful bookseller.[30]


===========

End of post

===========



[1] Maxwell-Lyte, H., A History of Dunster and the Families of Mohun and Luttrell (2 vols. St. Catherine Press, London, 1909), Vol. II, pp. 539, 540
[2] Maxwell-Lyte, A History of Dunster and the Families of Mohun and Luttrell, Vol. II, p. 540
[3] Sweetman, H.S. (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland (5 vols. Kraus reprint, 1974), Vol. 1 (1171-1251), nos. 821, 861, 889
[4] Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1251), nos. 1651, 1652, 1655, 1656, 1661, 1665, 1691, 1717, 1773, 2796
[5] Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 3 (1285-1292), pp. 97, 157; Calendar of Justiciary Rolls, 1295-1301, pp. 76, 222, 301; Mills, J. (ed.), Calendar of the Justiciary Rolls of Ireland, XXII to XXXI, Edward 1 (Dublin, 1905), p. 222
[6] Mills, J. (ed.), Calendar of the Justiciary Rolls of Ireland, XXII to XXXI, Edward 1 (Dublin, 1905), p. 301
[7] Brooks, E. St. John (ed.), Register of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist without the New Gate, Dublin (Dublin, 1936), no. 302
[8] Maxwell-Lyte, A History of Dunster and the Families of Mohun and Luttrell, Vol. II, p. 540
[9] McNeill, C. (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop’s Alen’s Register c.1172-1534 (Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 1950), pp. 213
[10] Dryburgh, P. & Smith, B. (ed.), Handbook and Select Calendar of Sources for Medieval Ireland in the National Archives of the United Kingdom (Dublin, 2005), p. 157
[14] Richardson, H.G. & Sayles, G.O. (ed.), Parliaments and Councils of Medieval Ireland, volume 1 (Dublin, 1947), pp. 142, 180
[15] Griffith, M.C. (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions formerly in the Office of the Chief Remembrancer of the Exchequer prepared from the MSS of the Irish Record Commission (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1991), no. H VI
[16] McNeill (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop’s Alen’s Register c.1172-1534, pp. 81, 209
[17] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. H VIII 105
[18] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. H VIII 105
[19] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. H VIII 65
[20] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. E VI 3
[21] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. E VI 1 (2)
[22] McNeill, C. (ed.), Registrum de Kilmainham: Register of Charter Acts of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem in Ireland, 1326-1339 (Dublin, n.d.), pp. 145, 149
[23] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. P & M 24, note 1
[24] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. P & M 24, note 1
[25] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. P & M 24, note 1
[26] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. P & M 24, note 1
[27] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. P & M 24, note 1
[28] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. P & M 24, note 1
[29] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. P & M 24

Sunday, August 20, 2017

Stone houses in the medieval Ormond Deeds

Stone houses in the medieval Ormond Deeds

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

The medieval landscape as we see it today can be misleading. The strong stone built castles of the thirteenth century along with the stone tower houses of the fifteenth and sixteenth century mixed with the stone churches and abbeys gives the idea that the elite lived in stone structures and the ordinary people were in mud and timber houses. But scattered across the medieval landscape are references to stone houses that are not the homes of the elite. We may venture to call their occupants upper middle class or lower upper class but they certainly were not the great territorial lords.

The Ormond deeds preserved at Kilkenny castle and now at the National Library of Ireland contain references to stone houses across the Ormond lordship and not always in the land of peace. This article recounts some of these stone houses that were built in both urban and rural settings across the Earldom.

Kells, Co. Kilkenny

The borough town of Kells in Co. Kilkenny was of modest size compared to other medieval towns with about 71 burgages. Early charters of William FitzGeoffrey allow the burgesses to have timber from the lord’s woods to help build their houses of timber, mud, clay and a sprinkling of stone.[1] Yet in the midst of the Kells town was a substantial stone house that features in a number of deeds. In March 1332 John Trumpour of Kells granted to William son of Richard Coterel a great stone house in the midst of Kells together with an empty tenement adjoining. This property had been granted to John Trumpour for life by Arnold le Poer.[2]

Later in August 1332 John Trumpour issues a new grant to William Coterel of the great stone house in the midst of the town of Kells together with the vacant plot adjacent to it. This grant was for the life of William Coterel.[3] In the following month (September 1332) Eustace son of Arnold le Poer granted to William Coterel all his claim in a great stone house in the mid-street of Kells together with the empty residence near adjoining.[4]

In November 1333 Eustace son of Arnold le Poer sealed a deed whereby he guaranteed that if William Coterel was impleaded or disturbed in his possession of a stone house with a tenement in Kells then Eustace would pay William one hundred pounds of silver. The potential people who could disturb William Coterel were cited as Eustace le Poer and his brother, John son of Arnold le Poer.[5]
In 1337 William son of Richard Coterel granted to Perceval his son, the great stone house in the midst of the town of Kells which William had by gift of Eustace son of Arnold le Poer. Perceval Coterel was to hold the house for life by the yearly service of forty shillings.[6]

A stone tower on the boundary wall of Kells priory

Callan, Co. Kilkenny

A few miles down the road from Kells is the medieval town of Callan. This town like many others had its numerous timber houses yet it also had at least one stone building. In 1401 the Earl of Ormond received 2d in rent from Edward Perers, knight, for a stone house in Callan that was formerly held by Adam Norragh.[7]

Carrickmacgriffin, Co. Tipperary

South from Callan on the lower banks of the River Suir was situated the medieval town of Carrickmacgriffin which today is better known as Carrick-on-Suir. It had a stone house which was owned by a woman of the Irish nation which in medieval terms was a double usual occurrence. In June 1529 Katherine Casshyn, daughter and heiress of William Casshyn, gave to William Maddan, and his wife Joan Walch, a stone house in Carrickmacgriffin (Carrick-on-Suir) situated between the main street on the north and the River Suir on the south and between Katherine’s land on the east and Harry Neyll’s land on the east. William Maddan was to have the stone house for forty years paying 6s 8d in annual rent. In March 1530 Katherine Casshyn and her husband William Riordan renewed the forty year lease to William Maddan of the stone house with garden but now at only 6s rent per year. In January 1536 Katherine Casshyn gave full possession of the stone house with garden to William Madan.[8]

Map of Carrickmacgriffin showing the stone house

Clonmel, Co. Tipperary

Upriver from Carrick-on-Suir was the important medieval town of Clonmel, headquarters of the liberty of Tipperary. Here we have just a passing reference to a stone house in the town of which there could have been other stone houses that didn’t make it into the surviving documents. On 11th November 1388 John Baroun and Alice Lowys his mother, gave a messuage in Clonmel to John Lowys lying between their stone house on the north side and the River Suir on the south side.[9]

Slebogy manor, Co. Tipperary

Having seen stone houses in an urban environment, there are also a number of references to stone houses in rural Co. Tipperary, some built and some proposed to be built. The stone house at Slebogy falls into the latter category. In 1336 Robert son of Henry Crok agreed with the Earl of Ormond that if Robert did not build and inhabit the lands of Slebogy within five years then the Earl had the right to distrain for the agreed rent of eight marks and twelve pence of royal service. It was also agreed that if Robert didn’t build a stone house on the property then the Earl could resume possession of the manor.[10]

A number of medieval deeds relating to a land leases contain a provision for the tenant to build a house upon the land within a specific time period. In April 1417 Archbishop Thomas of Dublin made a lease for fifty years to Thomas Locum of land at Tany by Dundrum. As part of the lease, Thomas Locum was to build a ‘sufficient’ house of stone measuring 18 feet by 26 feet within the walls and 40 feet high below the battlement. If Locum didn’t build the house within the four year period then the Archbishop could re-enter the property and resume possession like at Slbogy.[11]

Near Thurles, Co. Tipperary

In July 1416 Richard Walsh and Philip Walsh, chaplains, said that if John son of William Casse and Hugh Cass gave them twenty-four marks then the chaplains would give them a stone house along with all other messuages, lands, rents and tenements with a rabbit warren, meadows and pastures in Rathsowagh and Lysdowf near Thurles.[12] Unfortunately we are not told in which townland was the stone house situated in.

Le Norragh, Co. Kildare

Beyond the normal areas of the Ormond earldom the surviving documents record other stone houses such as at le Norragh in Co. Kildare. In November 1332 Walter de Veel appointed Nicholas Barbedor his attorney for placing Henry le Veel in full seisin of a stone messuage and twenty acres of land in Le Norragh, Co. Kildare.[13] A stone messuage would suggest the occupant was a middle class person, certainly above the vast majority of ordinary people.

Rosponte

Beyond these examples of stone houses there are other references in the surviving documents to important people who could have had a stone house or two. Sometime before April 1235 the bailiffs of Leinster had retained a plot in the town of the new bridge of Ross with the intention of building a house there for use by Earl of Pembroke. It seems the house was not built or not in the size the builders had hoped for. In April 1235 Gilbert the Marshal, Earl of Pembroke granted to William de Gloucester, burgess of Kilkenny, half the plot for 2 shillings per year.[14] It would be presumed that any house built for the Earl Marshal would be of stone but as the document is silent as to the exact materials used, it would be dangerous to speculate.

Conclusion

The above references are not exclusive to the Ormond deeds. Other medieval archive collections also have references to stone houses and stone messuages.[15]

That stone houses were rare in the medieval landscape is seen by the specific reference to the house been built of stone. For if stone houses were common then it would not make much sense to mention a stone house in a deed when it could be confused with other stone houses in the same area. Maybe someday archaeology could identify some of these stones houses and gives us a better understanding of their size and the type pf people who lived there.

Bibliography

Clyne, M. (ed.), Kells Priory, Co. Kilkenny: archaeological excavations by T. Fanning and M. Clyne (Dublin, 2007)
Curtis, E. (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume 1, 1172-1350 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1932)
Curtis, E. (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume II, 1350-1413 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1934)
Curtis, E. (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume III, 1413-1509 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1935)
Curtis, E. (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume IV, 1509-1547 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1937)
McNeill, C. (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop Alen’s Register, c.1172-1534 (Dublin, 1950)
Mills, J. & McEnery, M.J. (eds.), Calendar of the Gormanston Register (Dublin, 1916)

==================

End of post

===================




[1] Clyne, M. (ed.), Kells Priory, Co. Kilkenny: archaeological excavations by T. Fanning and M. Clyne (Dublin, 2007), p. 26
[2] Curtis, E. (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume 1, 1172-1350 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1932), no. 637
[3] Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, vol. 1, 1172-1350 A.D., no. 648
[4] Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, vol. 1, 1172-1350 A.D., no. 649
[5] Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, vol. 1, 1172-1350 A.D., no. 665
[6] Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, vol. 1, 1172-1350 A.D., no. 697
[7] Curtis, E. (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume II, 1350-1413 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1934), p. 255
[8] Curtis, E. (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume IV, 1509-1547 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1937), pp. 132, 143, 166
[9] Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, vol. II, 1350-1413 A.D., p. 210
[10] Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, vol. 1, 1172-1350 A.D., no. 679
[11] McNeill, C. (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop Alen’s Register, c.1172-1534 (Dublin, 1950), p. 237
[12] Curtis, E. (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume III, 1413-1509 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1935), p. 14
[13] Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, vol. 1, 1172-1350 A.D., no. 650
[14] Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, vol. 1, 1172-1350 A.D., no. 86
[15] Mills, J. & McEnery, M.J. (eds.), Calendar of the Gormanston Register (Dublin, 1916), pp. 85, 86, 113, 159; McNeill (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop Alen’s Register, c.1172-1534, pp. 80, 157, 170, 185, 189, 215, 237, 239, 254, 259 

Wednesday, August 16, 2017

Three 'Anglo-Irish' wives at Westminster, 1278

Three 'Anglo-Irish' wives at Westminster, 1278

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

On 31st October 1278 three wives came from Ireland to England to the court of King Edward I at Westminster. They said it was their intention of staying in England for two years while leaving their husbands back in Ireland. Cicely, wife of William de Fenton, nominated her husband and David de Graham as her attorneys in Ireland for the ensuing two years. Muriel, wife of David de Graham, nominated her husband as attorney for two years along with William de Fenton, while Elizabeth, wife of Andrew de Bosco, nominated her husband and William de Fenton as her Irish attorneys for two years.[1] Who were these women on a mission and can we tell anything more of their life and times?

Finding the three married couples

The three families of Bosco, Fenton and Graham clearly knew and trusted each other but trying to find them in the published medieval records is another matter. A search for any of the families in a good range of publications on medieval Ireland proved unfruitful.[2]

Related sisters
Instead an inquisition post mortem from August 1279 tells us the Cecily (Cecilia), Muriel and Elizabeth were the three daughters and co-heirs of John Byset of Lovat, son and heir of John Byset of Ulster.[3] In 1242 John Byset senior, and his uncle Walter Byset, were accused of murdering Patrick, son of Thomas of Galloway, and were outlawed. They fled to Ulster and were awarded lands around Glenarm in the Glens of Antrim by Hugh de Lacy. These lands were formerly held by Alan of Galloway and the feud between the families continued for many years. In 1252 Alan, son of Thomas, Earl of Athol, killed some men of John Byset in Ireland.[4]

Before his death in 1260, John Byset junior had endowed all his property, mills and rents to his stepmother, Lady Agatha Byset. These lands were two carucates in Dronach, 1 carucate in the vill of the Three Fountains, 40 acres at Milltown, 100 acres at Hacket’s town, 2 carucates at Carlcastel, 80 acres at Carkemechan, 2 carucates at Glenharm along with land at Psallor rented (4 marks per year) from the Bishop of Connor and land at Galactren rented from the Bishop of Derry. John Byset held two thirds of the mills located at Dronach, Carlcastel, Glenharm and Psallor along with the rent of Catherick and other property. John Byset had inherited these lands from his father, John Byset senior.[5]

Journey with a purpose

The journey by the three sisters to Westminster in October 1278 was to petition King Edward to order an inquisition into the lands of John Byset and establish his heirs and who held it after John’s death. The subsequent inquisition post mortem on 7th August 1279 in the vill of Oul before Nicholas, Bishop of Down, and Elias de Berkeway established these lands of John Byset. The inquisition further established that after the death of John Byset in 1260, all his property was taken into the King’s hand and was later granted to Walter de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, as John Byset held his lands in capita from Walter de Burgh. Subsequently, after an inquisition, Earl Walter returned the lands of Psallor to the Bishop of Connor at a rent of 10 marks.[6]

For the three sisters, the 1279 inquisition found them to be the rightful heirs.[7] Another document stated that Cecily de Fenton was the eldest daughter and that Muriel de Graham was the youngest. On about the 27th October 1278 the three sisters appointed their husbands to take seisin of their inheritance.[8]

Later records of William de Fenton

Records outside of medieval Ireland show that William de Fenton came from Edinburgh or had his principal estates there.[9] On 23rd July 1291 William de Fenton swore fealty to King Edward of England as overlord of Scotland.[10] On 14th March 1296 Sir William de Fenton swore homage to King Edward.[11] On 28th August 1296 William de Fenton was at Berwick-on-Tweed where he, along with many others, renounced the French league and again gave homage to King Edward of England. With this action a writ was issued on 14th September 1296 to the sheriff of Edinburgh to restore the lands of William de Fenton.[12]

In about 1305 William de Fenton and Cecily his wife came to King Edward to ask for restoration of a third part of the manor of Ulvyngton in Yorkshire. In 1251-2 Ulvyngton was held by Walter Byset and passed to his nephew, Thomas Byset, on the former’s death but the time of Walter’s death was in dispute and the king’s escheator seized the manor.[13] During the Scottish wars Ulvyngton manor was seized by Brian Fitz Alan and taken into the king’s hand following the death of Brian. William de Fenton showed that he had supported King Edward after the first Scottish War and so was a good citizen. The King replied that William and Cecily had to await the proof of age of Brian’s heir and proceed to the common courts for justice.[14]

Later records of David de Graham

Like William de Fenton, David de Graham was also from Scotland. On 1st August 1291 Sir David de Graham swore fealty to King Edward of England as overlord of Scotland in the chapel near the King’s chamber at Berwick-on-Tweed. But David didn’t always still loyal to the English king. In 1296 David, brother of Patrick de Graham, was captured at Dunbar castle with a host of other Scottish nobles and was sent to St. Briavell’s castle as a prisoner.[15]
In July 1297 David de Graham was sent free along with David, son of Patrick de Graham, and many others including Alexander Comyn, on the mainprise of David, Earl of Athol, Sir John Comyn of Badenagh, John de Inchemartin, John le Botiller, John Comyn of Badanagh junior and Ralphde Esing.[16] Afterwards Sir David de Graham left Scotland and died on campaign in Flanders. His son, called Patrick de Graham, married without the king’s licence and in 1300-7 Robert de Felton, who had got the licence to marry Patrick de Graham, petitioned the king for remedy. In reply King Edward issued a writ to chancery to direct the guardian of Scotland to do justice.[17]

In 1293 a person called William de Graham was one of two potential attorneys to pursue an action against the prior of Holy Trinity, Dublin, on behalf of John Comyn but it is unclear what, if any, relation he was to David de Graham.[18]

Kilravock castle

Andrew de Bosco

Andrew de Bosco was also Scottish and lived at Red Castle in the Scottish Highlands. Some sources say that Red Castle was held in 1230 by Sir John Byset senior and by 1278 had come to Andrew de Bosco while other sources say that Andrew de Bosco instead inherited his wife’s lands at Kilravock. About 1290 their daughter, Marie, married Hugh de Ros, lord of Geddes. The Ros family lived at Kilravock until 2012.[19]

Later Byset family in Ulster

The Byset family continued to be strong in Ulster after the death of John Byset in 1259. In 1294 the Bysets were lords of Rathlin Island when Robert the Bruce fled to there from Scotland.[20] But in the fourteenth century the lands around Glenarm were taken from Hugh Byset, a Scottish supporter (who had taken the land of the three sisters), and given to John de Athy, admiral of the Irish Sea fleet.[21]

Conclusion

This article started off exploring why three Anglo-Irish wives left their husbands in Ireland and travelled to the English court at Westminster. But instead of exploring medieval Anglo-Irish families, the article took on a life of its own with the exploration of medieval Scots-Irish. Thus we should more properly refer to the three wives as Scots-Irish rather than Anglo-Irish. 

With the dash of John Byset senior to Ulster for safety in 1242 we saw how his grandchildren had to challenge the powerful Earl of Ulster to recover their inheritance around Glenarm. The complex relations of the Scottish-English wars lost the family’s Glenarm lands and property in Scotland and England while one of the husbands, David de Graham, lost is life fighting a war in a faraway country. But at least one of the three sisters survived all that and her descendants lived in the family home over seven centuries. The article showed the web of connections between Ulster in Ireland, Scotland and northern England in the medieval period which makes it important not just to see one country in medieval times but to explore the wider connections.
   
=============

End of post

============




[1] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward I, 1272-1281, p. 281; Sweetman, H.S. (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland (5 vols. Liechtenstein, 1974), Vol. II (1252-1284), no. 1501
[2] Curtis, E. (ed.) Calendar of Ormond Deeds, Vol. 1, 1172-1350 A.D. (Dublin, 1932); McNeill, C. (ed.), Liber Primus Kilkenniensis (Dublin, 1931); McNeill, C. (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop Alen’s Register c.1172-1534 (Dublin, 1950); Mills, J. & McEnery, M.J. (eds.), Calendar of Gormanston Register (Dublin, 1916); Connolly, P. (ed.), Irish Exchequer Payments 1270-1446 (Dublin, 1998); White, N.B. (ed.), Irish Monastic and Episcopal Deeds A.D. 1200-1600 (Dublin, 1936); Mac Niocaill, G. (ed.), The Red Book of the Earls of Kildare (Dublin, 1964); Sayles, G.O. (ed.), Documents on the Affairs of Ireland before the King’s Council (Dublin, 1979);  White, N.B. (ed.), The Red Book of Ormond (Dublin, 1932); McNeill, C. (ed.), Registrum de Kilmainham: Register of Chapter Acts of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem in Ireland, 1326-1339 (Dublin, n.d.); Richardson, H.G. & Sayles, G.O. (eds.), Parliaments and Councils of Medieval Ireland, volume 1 (Dublin, 1947); Connolly, P., ‘Irish material in the Class of Ancient Petitions (SC8) in the Public Record Office, London’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 34 (1987), pp. 1-106; Connolly, P., ‘Irish material in the Class of Chancery Warrants Series 1 (C81) in the Public Record Office, London’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 36 (1995), pp. 135-162; Sayles, G.O., ‘The Legal Proceedings Against the First Earl of Desmond’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 23 (1966), pp. 1-48; Connolly, P. ‘List of Irish material in the Class of Chancery Files (Recorda) (C. 260) in the Public Record Office, London’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 31 (1984), pp. 1-18; White, N.B., ‘Index to Nos. I-IV (1930-1932)’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 5 (1934), pp. 1-177; MacCaffrey, Rev. J. (ed.), The Black Book of Limerick (Dublin, 1907); MacCotter, P. & Nicholls, K. (eds.), The Pipe Roll of Cloyne (Rotulus Pipae Clonensis) (Cloyne, 1996); Clarke, M.V. (ed.), Register of the Priory of the Blessed Virgin Mary at Tristernagh (Dublin, 1941); Brooks, E. St. John (ed.), The Irish cartularies of Llanthony Prima & Secunda (Dublin, 1953); Brooks, E. St. John (ed.), Register of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist without the New Gate, Dublin (Dublin, 1936)
[3] Shaw, L., The History of the Province of Moray (Elgin, 1827), Vol. II, p.  160
[4] Orpen, G.H., Ireland under the Normans (Dublin, 2005), Vol. III, p. 256
[5] Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. II (1252-1284), no. 1500, Bain, J. (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland (Edinburgh, 1884), Vol. II (1272-1307), no. 163; Sharp, J.E.E.S. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Vol. II, Edward I (Liechtenstein, 1973), no. 272
[6] Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. II (1252-1284), no. 1500
[7] Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. II (1252-1284), no. 1500
[8] Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, Vol. II (1272-1307), no. 129
[9] Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, Vol. II (1272-1307), p. 617
[10] Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, Vol. II (1272-1307), p. 124
[11] Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, Vol. II (1272-1307), no. 730
[12] Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, Vol. II (1272-1307), pp. 198, 226
[13] Sharp, J.E.E.S. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Vol. 1, Henry III (Liechtenstein, 1973), no. 252
[14] Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, Vol. II (1272-1307), no. 1728
[15] Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, Vol. II (1272-1307), p. 125
[16] Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, Vol. II (1272-1307), no. 940
[17] Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, Vol. II (1272-1307), no. 1967
[18] Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. IV (1293-1302), nos. 79, 80, 142 = in 1294 William de Graham was attorney against Sir Thomas of Kildare.
[19] Shaw, The History of the Province of Moray, Vol. II, p.  160; https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clan_Rose accessed on 14th august 2017; https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Redcastle accessed on 14th August 2017
[20] Otway-Ruthven, A.J., A history of Medieval Ireland (London, 1980), p. 225
[21] Orpen, Ireland under the Normans, Vol. IV, p. 208