Wednesday, May 23, 2018

John Bulcombe, Bishop of Lismore and Waterford, 1475-1483


John Bulcombe, Bishop of Lismore and Waterford, 1475-1483

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

The early background of John Bulcombe is so far covered in mystery. It is possible that he took his surname from a place called North Bulcombe. This place is in Devon near the border with Somerset. In September 1464 there is reference to John Bikcomb, clerk as born in  Tybrescomb but this was possibly a different person.[1] Various ways of spelling John Bulcombe’s surname include Bulcom; Bulcomb; Bulkombe and Bulkumb.[2] In all these examples the letter u is used in all cases.

It is possible that John Bulcombe or his family were not natives of Devon or Somerset. A deed from Suffolk was made in 1356 and one of the witnesses was Michael de Bulcombe.[3] A brother or cousin called Thomas Bulcombe acted as John’s proctor in 1469 but we know nothing else of this person.[4]

John Bulcombe at Oxford

John Bulcombe first appears in the surviving records as principal of Beam Hall in Oxford in 1466. But Bulcombe was already in Oxford for a few years before this as he had acquired a M.A. degree by 1466. The same source also says that he came from the diocese of Bath and Wells.[5] This diocese covered the county of Somerset along with the modern county of Avon in which is situated the city of Bristol.

Bulcombe was first admitted as principal of Beam Hall on October 11, 1466 but he resigned one month later on November 10, 1466. He was readmitted as principal on Christmas Eve 1466. After these revolving door movements Bulcombe remained as principal until at least September 1469.[6] The academic Halls and Inns of Oxford were rented by their successive principals on a year-to-year basis. It was in these buildings that the greater number of medieval students resided.[7]

Beam Hall was situated in the parish of St. John, opposite Merton College.[8] At the time that Bulcombe was principal the medieval hall system was at its height with more than sixty halls but by 1500 there was no more than ten. The admission of undergraduates to the various colleges was one of the chief reasons for the rapid decline.[9]

The clerical career of John Bulcombe was one of constant movement from one benefice to another and across diocesan boundaries. This was not because he was an unhappy fellow or a trouble maker. The evidence suggests that constant movement was a characteristic of the clerical career of those holding a degree.[10] John Bulcombe was ordained a priest on April 21, 1470.[11]

John Bulcombe in parish positions

Yet he was involved in parish life for a year before this date. Well, sort of involved. On March 31, 1469 Sir John Bulcombe, clerk, was instituted to the rectory of Hawkridge in the diocese of Bath and Wells following the death of the encumber Sir John Brawse. But Bulcombe did not attend the ceremony. Instead he sent his proctor, Thomas Bulcombe to act on his behalf. The advowson of Hawkridge was held by William Doddesham, esquire and it was he who presented Bulcombe to the benefice.[12]

The process of how a cleric was first introduced to a patron of a benefice is elusive. The first we usually hear about a presentation is in a bishop’s register where a cleric is recommended by a patron to a bishop for institution. At the same time we hear little about how many unsuccessful clerics competed for that benefice.[13] William Doddesham had the advowson to a number of parishes by the right of his wife and this was shared with his wife’s two married sisters.[14]

We have no subsequent account to say if John Bulcombe attended the parish except that he had resigned the position by April 1473 when Master John Shirwood became rector.[15] This latter cleric held the position until March 1489 when he resigned. The new encumber, Sir John Hamlyne was presented for institution by an Irish connection in the person of Thomas Butler, Earl of Ormond.[16]   
On November 14, 1472 John Bulcombe was made vicar of Cuddesdon in Oxfordshire. His impact upon the parish, even if he ever visited the place, cannot have been great as he vacated the position in February 1473.[17] On February 16, 1373 John Bulcombe was admitted as vicar of Chieveley in Berkshire. His occupancy here lasted for over a year before he vacated the parish by May 1474. Before this happened Bulcombe was admitted as rector of Milton in Berkshire on February 20, 1474[18]

Sometime before June 15, 1474 John Bulcombe resigned the rectory of Otterhampton in Somerset as Sir Richard Sautt was instituted on that day. The presentation was made by Reynold Stourton, knight in right of his wife, Margaret, daughter and heiress of John Coker.[19] There is no record to say when Bulcombe was instituted to Otterhampton. In 1497 an inquisition was held into who owned the advowson of Otterhampton. It found that William Hody was the owner by inheritance from Alexander Hody who purchased from Walter Trevett. Alexander held the advowson with his wife Dame Margaret Stourton and that after his death Margaret held same with her new husband, Reynold Stourton. It was this latter person who presented Master John Bulcombe and the above Sir Richard Sautt to the rectory.[20]

John Bulcombe in the Diocese of Bath and Wells

On March 2, 1475 John Bulcombe was presented to the rectory of Bawdrip in Somerset by John Wroughton, esquire. The vacancy occurred due to the death of the encumber Sir John Nown.[21] The parish appears to have been neglected for many decades. As far back as the mid-15th century the then rector was ordered to repair his buildings.[22] 

At about the same time that Bulcombe arrived in Bawdrip he acquired some property there. The size of this property and from who did he buy it from is as yet unknown. What we do know is that he sold a messuage and five acres to Thomas Fisher for £10 3s 4d before June 1475 as the documents relating to the sale say that it was Master Bulcombe who sold the property and that after the sale he was Bishop Bulcombe. Fisher paid the money but Bulcombe would not transfer the property. To find redress, Fisher pursued the case in the common courts but found no success. Therefore, at some unknown date between 1475 and 1480 Fisher petitioned, Thomas Rotherham, bishop of Lincoln and chancellor of England, to get Bulcombe to appear in the chancery court and transfer the property or restore the money paid. An endorsement to the petition says that the case was to be heard at the quinzaine of Michaelmas next following but no records survive to say how the affair was settled.[23]

Inside Lismore cathedral

John Bulcombe as Bishop of Lismore and Waterford 

Before June 1475 John Bulcombe received provision from the Pope to become bishop of the untied diocese of Lismore and Waterford.[24]

A key person for Bulcombe in his new diocese was Edmund Mandeville, precentor of Lismore. This cleric was “skilled in canon law” and had for a long time served Robert, late bishop of Lismore and Waterford as the official-general. Mandeville was also a papal chaplain but more importantly he was approved by both chapters in the diocese. The chapter in Waterford recommended to the Pope that Edmund should be precentor of Lismore and the chapter of Lismore elected him. After his election Mandeville went to the Rome and stayed there at great expense, securing his position and conducting business of the diocese. For this, in June 1475, the Pope granted Mandeville a yearly pension for life of £12 sterling on the episcopal mensa of the diocese. John Bulcombe, still only bishop elect, was instructed to pay this pension even after his consecration and by his successors.[25]

John Bulcombe was not long in the bishop’s chair before he was called to settle a dispute between claimants for the position of prior of St. Catherine’s priory near Waterford. When the position of prior became vacant about 1475 William Winchiton petitioned the Pope for the job and was granted same. But William failed to mention that Patrick Cantwell, an Augustinian canon held non-peaceful possession of the priory. At William’s arrival Cantwell petitioned the Pope to keep the position. Pope Sixtus sent the dispute to John, bishop of Calahorrha to decide the matter and he found for William. Following this the official of Waterford accepted William as canon of the priory and acknowledged him as prior.

But William was consistently attacked by John Cantwell over the succeeding few months. In 1476 both claimants brought their case to Bishop Bulcombe and two others for arbitration. Bishop Bulcombe declared that William was the lawful prior and that Cantwell should resign any rights. Following this William held the priory in peaceful possession for five years until 1481 when Thomas Cor, a priest of the Waterford diocese challenged him. Cor petitioned the Pope and got the job after the treasurer of Waterford, David Sarghent, although finding that William committed no crimes, removed him and installed Thomas Cor. Another petition went to the Pope and it was left to the abbot of Mothel to settle the matter and restore William if he found him as the rightful prior.[26]

In 1480 Nicholas O’Hennessy, Cistercian abbot of Fermoy, claimed to have provision to the see of Lismore and Waterford on the basis that the absentee John Bulcombe had resigned.[27] As late as 1492 Nicholas O’Hennessy was still claiming to be the bishop of Lismore.[28]

Without an episcopal register it is difficult to say what involvement John Bulcombe had in the management of the joint diocese. He did not spend his full term of office in Ireland. The Bawdrip land case referred to above said that Fisher believed that Bulcombe was staying in England for some time and so should be sent a sub poena to appear at the chancery court.[29]

In 1480/1 an event occurred in the Waterford diocese that surely did not happen without Bulcombe’s acknowledgement and possible encouragement. This event was the combined action of a number of religious houses and the chapter of Christ Church to increase the rent across their estates. The religious houses involved were the priory of Friars Hospitallers, the priory of Bath (whose daughter houses was the priory of St. John’s), the priory of St. Katherine, Dunbrody abbey, Tintern abbey and the house of St. Stephen along with other minor houses. They sought bills of resumption and acts of Parliament to order the cancel existing leases and so renew the leases with an increase in the rent.

This action produced a massive reaction by the local population in and around Waterford city. The resistance campaign was led by the city mayor, James Rice. Instructions were given that if anyone took these new leases on any house, mill, land or tenement that they could only do so with the consent of the disposed tenant. If anyone broke this instruction they were to pay a fine of £100 and the disposed tenant could bring an action of debt against them in the city court. In these circumstances the offender could lose his franchise if a freeman or be banned forever from the city if he was a stranger. A city ordinance passed later in that year confirmed the validity of the existing leases.[30]

This tenant resistance movement reminds one of The Plan of Campaign in the 1880s where people who took the land of disposed tenants were boycotted.  

In January 1483 John Bulcombe, while still bishop of Waterford, exchanged the rectory of Bawdrip in Somerset for the vicarage of Highworth in Wiltshire with Master Michael Coly. The institution of Coly to Bawdrip was much like Bulcombe’s first appointment to a benefice as Coly was represented by his proctor, Sir John Carram, chaplain.[31] About a hundred years later Bawdrip begin its second association with the diocese of Waterford and Lismore when John Atherton was made rector in 1585.[32] He was the father of John Atherton who became bishop of Waterford and Lismore in May 1636.[33]

John Bulcombe’s association with Berkshire continued into the 1480s. In May 1484 he exchanged the rectory of Longworth for that of Hinton Waldrist. Both of these parishes were in Berkshire. There is no record yet found to say when Bulcombe was first admitted to Longworth or when he ended his term in Hinton Waldrist.[34]

A.B. Emden suggested that John Bulcombe died sometime around 1486.[35] There is no suggestion that he left any illegitimate family but a number of Bulcombe people begin to appear within the next twenty years. Around 1500 a second John Bulcombe appears in the diocese of Bath and Wells. In March 1501 he was a sub-deacon in the diocese.[36] He had studied at Merton College, Oxford around 1500-1501.[37] Over the next forty years he served in various clerical positions in a number of English dioceses.[38]

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[1] Sir H.C. Maxwell-Lyte & M.C.B. Dawes (eds.), The register of Thomas Bekynton, bishop of Bath and Wells 1443-1465 (Somerset Record Society, vol. xlix, 1934), part 1, no. 1606
[2] A.B. Emden, A biographical register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500 (3 vols. Oxford, 1989), vol. 1, p. 301
[3] Bridget Wells-Furby (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle (Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, vol. 18, 2004), p. 938
[4] Sir H.C. Maxwell-Lyte (ed.), The Registers of Robert Stillington, bishop of Bath and Wells 1466-1491 and Richard Fox, bishop of Bath and Wells 1492-1494 (Somerset Record Society, vol. LII, 1937), no. 129
[5] A.B. Emden, A biographical register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500 (3 vols. Oxford, 1989), vol. 1, p. 301
[6] A.B. Emden, A biographical register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, vol. 1, p. 301
[7] A.B. Emden, A biographical register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, vol. 1, p. xxx
[8] A.B. Emden, A biographical register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, vol. 2, p. 753
[9] Rev. H.E. Salter (ed.), Medieval archives of the University of Oxford (Oxford Historical Society, vol. lxx, 1920), vol. 1, p. v
[10] Tim Cooper, The last generations of English catholic clergy: parish priests in the diocese of Coventry and Lichfield in the early sixteenth century (Boydell & Brewer, 1999), p. 40?
[11] A.B. Emden, A biographical register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, vol. 1, p. 301: Register Beauchamp, Sarum, I, part ii, folio. 200
[12] Sir H.C. Maxwell-Lyte (ed.), The Reg. of Robert Stillington & Richard Fox, bishops of Bath & Wells, no. 129
[13] Tim Cooper, The last generations of English catholic clergy: parish priests in the diocese of Coventry and Lichfield in the early sixteenth century (Boydell & Brewer, 1999), p. 40
[14] Sir H.C. Maxwell-Lyte (ed.), The Reg. of Robert Stillington & Richard Fox, bishops of Bath & Wells, no. 752
[15] Sir H.C. Maxwell-Lyte (ed.), The Reg. of Robert Stillington & Richard Fox, bishops of Bath & Wells, no. 250
[16] Sir H.C. Maxwell-Lyte (ed.), The Reg. of Robert Stillington & Richard Fox, bishops of Bath & Wells, no. 933
[17] A.B. Emden, A biographical register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, vol. 1, p. 301: Register Rotherham, Lincoln, xxi, folio 79v
[18] A.B. Emden, A biographical register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, vol. 1, p. 301: Register Beauchamp, I, part I, folios 171v, 177v, 178v
[19] Sir H.C. Maxwell-Lyte (ed.), The Reg. of Robert Stillington & Richard Fox, bishops of Bath & Wells, no. 303
[20] Sir H.C. Maxwell-Lyte (ed.), The Registers of Oliver King, bishop of Bath and Wells 1496-1503 and Hadrian de Castello, bishop of Bath and Wells 1503-1518 (Somerset Record Society, vol. liv, 1939), no. 41
[21] Sir H.C. Maxwell-Lyte (ed.), The Reg. of Robert Stillington & Richard Fox, bishops of Bath & Wells, no. 320
[22] Victorian County History: Somerset, vol. 6, p. 189
[23] Paul Dryburgh and Brendan Smith (eds.), Handbook and Select Calendar of Sources for Medieval Ireland in the National Archives of the United Kingdom (Dublin, 2005), p. 136
[24] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (London, 1955), p. 40
[25] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (London, 1955), p. 40
[26] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers, pp. 109-110
[27] James F. Lydon, Terence B. Barry, Robin Frame and Katherine Simms (eds.), Colony and frontier in medieval Ireland: essays presented to J.F. Lydon (1995), p. 147
[28] Michael J. Haren (ed.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (Dublin, 1978), no. 875
[29] Paul Dryburgh & Brendan Smith (eds.), Calendar of Sources for Medieval Ire. in the N.A. of the U.K., p. 136
[30] Niall J. Byrne (ed.), The Great Parchment Book of Waterford (Dublin, 2007), pp. xx-xxi, 96
[31] Sir H.C. Maxwell-Lyte (ed.), The Reg. of Robert Stillington & Richard Fox, bishops of Bath & Wells, no. 692
[32] R.W. Dunning and C.R. Elrington (eds.), Victorian County History: Somerset (1992), vol. 6, p. 191
[33] Aidan Clarke, ‘The Atherton file’, in Decies, no. 11 (1979), p. 45
[34] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, 1476-1485, p. 441
[35] A.B. Emden, A biographical register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, vol. 1, p. 302
[36] Sir H.C. Maxwell-Lyte (ed.), The Reg. of Oliver King & Hadrian de Castello, bishops of Bath & Wells, no. 41
[37] A.B. Emden, A biographical register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, vol. 1, p. 302
[38] Sir H.C. Maxwell-Lyte (ed.), The Registers of Thomas Wolsey, bishop of Bath and Wells 1518-1523, John Clerke, bishop of Bath and Wells 1523-1541, William Knight, bishop of Bath and Wells 1541-1547 and Gilbert Bourne, bishop of Bath and Wells 1554-1559 (Somerset Record Society, vol. lv, 1940), nos. 412, 553

Saturday, January 13, 2018

A Drogheda merchant in Scotland in 1404

A Drogheda merchant in Scotland in 1404

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Overseas trade across the waves of history has allowed countries to export goods and products they have in surplus in return for importing goods they don’t have. But trade between countries has its risks particularly in times of international tension or simple misinterpretation of the laws between the merchants and the local officials. In 1404 Thomas Walton, a merchant from Drogheda (within English area of control in Ireland), decided to take advantage of a recent truce between Scotland and England in March 1404 to do a bit of trading in Scotland and return with money or goods that he could sell in Drogheda.[1] But his trading mission didn’t go according to plan as local officials in Scotland had other ideas.

Thomas Walton of Drogheda is first mentioned in the surviving records in 1381 when he and John Asshewell of Drogheda acted as mainprize (or guarantors) for the abbot of Furness Abbey who was given custody of 1 carucate and 40 acres of land in Co. Meath.[2] The Walton family had a long association with Furness Abbey as in 1376 Robert de Walton and William Travers of Furness appointed Brother Roger, monk of Furness, and Thomas Skynner, burgess of Drogheda, as their attorneys in the manor of Beaubec in Ireland which Walton and Travers had rented from Richard de Preston of Beaubec.[3]

In 1389 a person called Thomas Walton got letters of general attorney under the name of John Drak but it is unclear he was our man in Drogheda or another Thomas Walton.[4] Meanwhile Thomas Walton of Drogheda received a boost for his merchant business before 1391 when the king allowed the burgesses of Drogheda to export old cloth, wool, hides and other wares including corn but not in the forbidden season.[5] Among the other members of the family to benefit from this opening of trade was John Walton, merchant of Drogheda, who in 1319 was trading with Flanders.[6] He was possibly the same John Walton who in 1408 was elected mayor of Drogheda.[7]

It is possibly that Thomas Walton of Drogheda was in his home town in January 1395 to see King Richard II of England and Lord of Ireland accept the homage and fealty of O’Neill the younger of Ulster and his people. King Richard was back in Drogheda in March 1395 to receive the homage of the lords of Meath and Breifne. Although the royal visit may have been good for the local economy, Thomas Walton was possibly hoping for the reopening of the export trade which was suspended before and during the royal visit.[8]

Laurance gate of medieval Drogheda

By the end of the fourteenth century Thomas Walton was a successful merchant of Drogheda with extensive overseas trade connections. It appears that Thomas Walton had a number of ships under his command as in a petition to the English government he said that he went to Scotland in March 1404 to trade in ‘one’ of his ships.[9]

This success in business gave Thomas Walton as social standing. In February 1400 William Walton, who was staying in England, nominated Thomas Walton and Henry Clarkston as his Irish attorneys for one year. In April 1400 William Walton again nominated Thomas Walton along with Richard Bermingham as his Irish attorneys. In May 1403 Thomas Walton was again nominated as William’s attorney in Ireland with Henry Claxton (possibly the same Henry Clarkston of 1400).[10] In July 1402 Richard Burgh, staying in England, nominated for three years Thomas Walton of Drogheda and Henry del Chambre as his Irish attorneys.[11] On 8th May 1403, to help in his own merchant business, letters of general attorney were granted to Thomas Walton.[12]

In the wider Meath area other members of the Walton family appear in the records. In 1385 Joan, the widow of David Walton, succeeded to a house in Trim but William Walton claimed the property. A petition of Joan to King Richard II in November 1385 resulted in an order giving her custody of the house and barring William Walton from access.[13]

In 1399 the new Lancastrian king, Henry IV, seems to have established his control of Ireland, building on the work of Richard II but serious problems of rebellious Irish and poor royal revenues remained. By the end of 1402 royal soldiers, stationed at Drogheda, were demanding permission to return to England as their wages remained unpaid. In February 1404 Sir Stephen Scrope, lord deputy of Ireland, suddenly left the country without leaving any effective government and the poor royal revenues were insufficient to hire soldiers. By the spring of 1404, as Thomas Walton prepared to sail for Scotland, Ulster was in flames and the English settlers driven to the coast. Yet by August the Earl of Ormond had successfully restored the borders of Ulster.[14]

Meanwhile in March 1404 a truce was made between Scotland and England and Thomas Walton decided to take advantage of this to do some trading.[15] Yet the window for trade was short as in March 1406 Prince James of Scotland was kidnapped by the English and held captive for eighteen years (James succeeded as King James I of Scotland in April 1406 but remained uncrowned).[16] In 1424 James was married to Joan Beaufort, niece of Bishop Henry Beaufort.[17]

In the early fifteenth century Scotland conducted much of its overseas trade with the Netherlands and France as Ireland was part of the English dominions.[18] Yet some trade did happen between Scotland and Ireland although not always directly. In 1395 for example, a Waterford ship was hired by a merchant from La Rochelle to take wine to Scotland.[19] Scotland was not as safe place for Irish merchants.

After the truce between Scotland and England in March 1404 which was widely proclaimed on 26th March, Thomas Walton set sail for Scotland with various unspecified saleable merchandise. On arriving in the port of Loghrian (Lochryan) in the lordship of Douglas a group of armed men led by Alexander Campbell seized the ship and its cargo on the instructions of the abbot of Glenluce.[20] The cargo was worth 100marks.[21] It is not clear why the ship and goods were seized; anti-English feeling in Lochryan, simple thief or poor documentation. Thomas Walton appears to have been unsuccessful at getting redress in Lochryan and by November 1404 he sent a petition to King Henry IV of England seeking remedy. On 12th November 1404 the king’s council at Coventry drew up letters instructing officials to give help.[22]

Glenluce Abbey

To help future trade and to aid the recovery of his ship and goods, Thomas Walton decided to get a licence from Henry IV to trade with Scotland. It is unclear if the problems at Lochryan were caused by Thomas Walton not previously securing a trading licence but the occurrence of the petition for remedy at the same time that Thomas Walton requested a trading licence give the possibly of a connection between the two events.

On about 6th November 1404 Thomas Walton petitioned the chancellor of England for a licence for one year to export from Ireland to Scotland wheat, flour, and other victuals and merchandise.[23] The chancellor of England at the time was Henry Beaufort who was the second and illegitimate son of John of Gaunt by Catherine Swynford. Henry Beaufort joined the priesthood and held a few clerical positions before 1398 when he was appointed by papal provision to the bishopric of Lincoln. After his half-brother, Henry of Lancaster, became King Henry IV of England, Bishop Beaufort moved into national politics. In 1403 Bishop Beaufort was made chancellor of England and member of the king's great council.[24] On 27th September 1404 Bishop William de Wykeham of Winchester (and a former chancellor of England in the 1360s) died.[25] Shortly after Bishop Beaufort was nominated to the bishopric of Winchester and in 1405 he resigned the chancellorship on his consecration as bishop.[26]

Much of Ireland’s exports in the medieval period were in the form of raw materials such as fish, timber, hides, wool and grain. The main period for grain exports was the thirteenth and early fourteenth century after which there was a serious decline. By 1437 Bristol was shipping grain to Ireland and by 1475 a ban was place on Irish grain exports because of shortages.[27] Thus in November 1404 as Thomas Walton petitioned for a licence to export wheat to Scotland he was one of the last grain exporters in the country.

Yet the despite the royal letter of November 1404 offering to help Thomas Walton, no immediate help was secured. In 1400 King Henry IV asserted that he was the suzerainty lord of Scotland but took it no further.[28] Therefore the writ of the English king only partially extended into Scotland in areas favourable to the English. It would appear that Lochryan in the lordship of Douglas was not a favourable area. Instead Thomas Walton spent many years waiting for redress. Early in 1412 he again petitioned the English government for redress against Alexander Campbell and Ector his brother. On 18th February 1412 Henry IV gave a licence to Thomas Walton to travel to Scotland, during the truce, to sue for restoration, or to send deputies. For the journey and their stay in Scotland Thomas Walton was allowed to buy eight crannocks of wheat, two crannocks of peas and one pipe of wine for their sustenance.[29]

No later petitions by Thomas Walton seeking redress appear among the published English government records. It is hoped that he did get compensation but on the other hand he could have just given up hope and accepted his loss and went trading with other countries instead. After 1412 Thomas Walton of Drogheda disappears from the records while other members of the Walton family continued the connection with Drogheda such as William Walton in 1451.[30]

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[1] Bain, J. (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland preserved in the Public Record Office, London (General Registry House, Edinburgh, 1888), vol. 4 (1357-1509), no. 674
[3] Dryburgh, P. & Smith, B., ‘Calendar of Documents relating to medieval Ireland in the series of Ancient Deeds in the National Archives of the United Kingdom’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 39 (2006), pp. 3-61, at pp. 29, 30
[5] Calendar of Close Rolls, Richard II, 1389-1392, p. 258
[6] Calendar of Close Rolls, Richard II, 1389-1392, p. 258
[8] Otway-Ruthven, A.J., A history of Medieval Ireland (London, 1980), pp. 326, 329, 331
[9] Dryburgh, P. & Smith, B. (eds.), Handbook and Select Calendar of Sources for Medieval Ireland in the National Archives of the United Kingdom (Dublin, 2005), p. 170
[10] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry IV, 1399-1401, pp. 145, 256; Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry IV, 1401-1405, p. 228
[11] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry IV, 1401-1405, p. 104
[13] Potterton, M., Medieval Trim: History and Archaeology (Dublin, 2005), p. 142
[14] Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, pp. 342, 343, 344
[15] Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, vol. 4 (1357-1509), no. 674
[16] Mackie, J.D., A history of Scotland (London, 1978), pp. 90, 91
[18] Mackie, A history of Scotland, p. 107
[19] Childs, W. & O’Neill, T., ‘Overseas trade’, in Cosgrove, A. (ed.), A new history of Ireland, Vol. II: Medieval Ireland, 1169-1534 (Oxford, 2008), pp. 492-524, at pp. 496
[20] Dryburgh & Smith (eds.), Handbook and Select Calendar of Sources for Medieval Ireland, p. 170, E 28/15/67
[22] Dryburgh & Smith (eds.), Handbook and Select Calendar of Sources for Medieval Ireland, p. 170, E 28/15/67; Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, vol. 4 (1357-1509), p. 601 = Prince Edward landed at Lochryan in September 1300 with an English army
[23] Bain (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Scotland, vol. 4 (1357-1509), no. 668; Connolly, P. ‘Irish material in the class of ancient petitions (SC8) in the Public Record Office, London’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 34 (1987), pp. 3-106at p. 95
[27] Down, K., ‘Colonial society and economy’, in Cosgrove, A. (ed.), A new history of Ireland, Vol. II: Medieval Ireland, 1169-1534 (Oxford, 2008), pp. 439-491, at pp. 484, 485, 486, 487, 488, 489
[28] Mackie, A history of Scotland, p. 90
[30] Quigley, W.G.H. & Roberts, E.F.D. (eds.), Registrum Iohannis Mey: The Register of John Mey, Archbishop of Armagh, 1443-1456 (Belfast, 1972), p. 242