Tuesday, September 12, 2017

Baynam family in fifteenth century Gloucestershire: a brief account of life and suspect documents

Baynam family in fifteenth century Gloucestershire: 
a brief account of life and suspect documents

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien



Introduction

In the first two decades of the fifteenth century Robert Baynam was landlord of a modest estate at Mitcheldean, also known as Great Dean (Dean Magna) and Little Dean near the Forest of Dean in Gloucestershire. The manor of Mitcheldean had come into the Baynam family by 1334 when Ralph ap Eynon, later changed to Baynam, had married Joan, eldest daughter of William of Dean. Ralph Baynam died by 1366 and his widow kept the manor and gave a £10 rent to her son, Thomas Baynam. The latter died in 1376 when the rent was confirmed to his widow, another Joan. By 1384 Joan of Dean was still alive and her daughter Margaret, wife of William of the Hall, was said to be her heir but by 1395 her share of the manor passed to her grandson, John Baynam, a minor.[1]

Robert Baynam

By 1418 John Baynam was deceased and the new landlord of Mitcheldean was his son, Robert Baynam. As a landlord who lived among his tenants Robert Baynam had the time to attend personally to his tenants even with other distractions. Other medieval landlords with property scattered across one or more counties sometimes struggled to give good estate management. In June 1422, as Robert Baynam celebrated the birth of his son, Thomas Baynam, he found time for estate business.

Mitcheldean High street

Estate business or suspect officials

On the day of the birth Robert Baynam sold to Richard Garon a white horse with a black foot for 5 marks and on the same day Robert Baynam gave a lease of 21years to Richard Kemyll of a bovate of land at Mitcheldean at a rent of 6s 6d per year. On the same day of 1st June Robert Baynam hired William Willys to build him a new grange in a tenement at Mitcheldean.[2] Of course these transactions were not just ordinary estate business. Instead they had an important long term influence as twenty-one years later the two Richards and William would remember the special day when called to give evidence for the proof of age of baby Baynam.

Yet as exacting as reading this estate business is, we must be suspect that this estate business ever happened as the near exact events happened in another proof of age in 1441 in Shropshire.[3] Since the beginning of the twentieth century scholars have looked upon the proof of age documents with a very suspicious eye and a sad realisation that many of the proofs may contain factitious information. It would seem that the escheator had a template of events that the jurors could use to help their memory or that the inquisition of proof of age, taken on the day, was lost before it got to the Chancery office. In the Baynam case there was six months between the issuing of the writ to take the inquisition and the supposed date of same.[4] 

The Baynam estate beyond the suspect documents

Aside from the suspect chancery documents the economy of Mitcheldean in the early fifteenth century was a mixture of farming, wool production and iron making with furnaces and nail makers. The wool industry had many skilled workers like weavers, fullers and shearmen. The produce of the area was carried out to market by road and two nearby navigable rivers. Although Mitcheldean had a Monday market and a three day fair the trade was local in nature.[5]

Robert Baynam beyond the estate

Beyond estate business Robert Baynam was involved in the social life of the gentry class in Gloucestershire and had relations with some of the more important people in the county’s political scene. In about March 1436 Robert Baynam was a party to the agreement of Guy Whittington (M.P. for Gloucestershire, 1420-1432) with the prior of Llanthony whereby Whittington entrusted the prior with £106 13s 4d to be kept safe until suitable land could be found for purchase settlement on his own eldest son, Robert Whittington.[6]

On 12th September 1436 Robert Baynam died leaving a son called Thomas as his heir. Robert’s property in Gloucestershire was examined by twelve jurors at Newent on 22nd October 1436. The inquisition post mortem that they drew up listed property in Mitcheldean and Little Dean.[7] The area of Mitcheldean and Little Dean formed part of the manor of Dean, with Abenhall, in the Domesday Survey and lay near the great Forest of Dean. It was owned by three thanes in 1066 and by 1086 William Fitz Norman was the owner.[8]
   
Robert Baynam held two thirds of the manor of Mitcheldean (the other third was the dower lands of his mother) along with an annual rent of 26s 8d at Little Dean from the free tenants there. All this was held of the king as of his castle of St. Briavels for a quarter knight’s fee and the service of paying 11s to the castle at Michaelmas only. Within Mitcheldean Robert Baynam had 40 acres of arable land worth 4d per acre; 12 acres of meadow worth 2s each along with 16 acres of pasture worth 12d per acre. There was at that time 100 acres of fallow land worth 1d per acre along with 200 acres of waste land which was worth nothing. Robert received rents worth £6 5s 9d payable at Christmas and Midsummer in equal parts. The pleas and perquisites of court were worth 2s per year beyond the steward’s fees and expenses.[9]  
   
Mitcheldean church 

Thomas Baynam, minority

Thomas Baynam, son and heir of Robert Baynam, was only 14 years, 5 months and 2 days old when his father died.[10] Thus the estate was taken into the king’s hand. In November 1436 Guy Whittington (a former associated of Robert Baynam) took out an Exchequer lease of the property at Mitcheldean and Little Dean during the minority of Thomas Baynam, Robert’s son and heir.[11] On 12th February 1438 William Browning was appointed to have the marriage of Thomas Baynam. For this grant Browning paid 100 marks to the Exchequer.[12] Also in 1438 the crown presented the rector to Mitcheldean church as the Baynam family held the advowson, although the Greyndour family who held part of Mitcheldean manor claimed a share of the presentation. For the parishioners of Mitcheldean it possibly mattered little as in 1442 the rector got leave to be absent from the parish for three years.[13]
   
Proof of age of Thomas Baynam and the suspect memory

On 13th July 1443 a writ was issued to hold a proof of age inquisition for Thomas Baynam who claimed to be twenty-one years old on 1st June 1443. Yet it took a few months before the inquisition was held and on 21st January 1444 at Gloucester twelve people came to support the idea that Thomas Baynam was of age.

The jurors then gave their reasons for knowing that Thomas Baynam was of age. William Pricke (aged 52) carried Thomas Baynam in his arms to and from Mitcheldean church. In the church Sir John Estcourt (aged 55, possibly John Estcourt of Shipton Moyne who succeeded there by 1438), saw Rev. Richard Wethyr, parish rector, lift Thomas from the font. Meanwhile Guy Dobyns (aged 49) went all the way to Longnor in Shropshire to fetch Joan Karles and bring her to Mitcheldean to lift Thomas Baynam from the font but apparently he was late coming back if the cleric had to do the job. But his evidence appears suspect as the journey to Longnor was used previously in a 1441 Shropshire proof and the distance involved between Mitcheldean and Longnor (about 65 miles) would be too much to cover going and coming on the same day. In 1441 it was John Poynour (49) who went to Longnor for Joan Karles so she could go to Pontesbury church to raise baby Henry Grey from the font.[14] While this was going on Walter Bayly (aged 73) remembered the day as he carried chrism to the font for the baptism. Also in Mitcheldean church on 1st June 1422 was Sir Thomas Rous (aged 70) to see his daughter Katherine married John Yong.[15]

Other jurors like Thomas Hoke (aged 70) said he knew because his son Edward was born on the same day at Mitcheldean while John Mody (aged 62) remembered that day in 1422 as he was espoused to Alice Payn. Elsewhere two other jurors remembered the day because of accidents. John Venne (aged 62) was gravely wounded in the shin by an arrow shot by Richard Bonynton (it was a holiday and people were expect to practice archery) while John Halle (aged 55) fell from a black horse at Mitcheldean and broke his arm.[16]

Yet after the delight of reading all these events occurring in Mitcheldean in 1422 we must look with sadness upon them when all these events happened in Shropshire in 1441 with just different names used. Historians are so dependent upon surviving documents and then when those documents prove false it becomes a real question of what documents speak the truth. If we didn’t have the 1441 Shropshire proof of age then the Baynam proof of age would be accepted a face value. In college we are taught to ask what the purpose of the creation of a document was as we interpret the information contained within. For the Baynam family and the medieval Chancery clerks the proof of age was created simply to get Thomas Baynam out of his minority situation and to gain possession of his father’s estate. For us of the twenty-first century reading the lives of ordinary medieval people is of interest but that is not what the document was created for. It was made for a purpose and succeeded in its job.

Doorway to Mitcheldean church 

Dating evidence to prove or disprove

If the recall of memory appears to be just the work of a chancery clerk who lost the original inquisition taken at Gloucester could the dating evidence help to prove or disprove the evidence. The jurors said that Thomas Baynam was born at Mitcheldean on the feast of St Nichomedis (1st June 1422) and was baptised on the same day in the local church.[17] The inquisition post mortem of Thomas’s father, Robert Baynam, was taken on 22nd October 1436 at which time it was said that Thomas Baynam was 14 years, 5 months and 3 days old – a very precise age.[18] Other inquisitions post mortem taken before and after Robert Baynam only report the age of the heir as 5 years and more, 14 years and more, 29 years and more, and 40 years and more.[19] If we subtract the precise age of Thomas in 1436 we get a date of birth of 19th May 1422, some thirteen days before the jury of 1444 said i.e. 1st June 1422. It is very possible that Thomas’s baptism was recorded in a church missal or some other book to give such a precise date. Maybe by 1444 the book was damaged and the exact date was therefore not available to the Gloucester jurors or the Chancery clerks and so they went for an approximate date.

Yet doubts over the Baynam proof are perhaps only modern in origin. It appears that the escheator and King Henry VI accepted all the ‘evidence’ given as true though with possible questions as it was another six months before Thomas Baynam was declare fully to be of age and in July 1444 was given seisin of his father’s estate.[20]

Thomas Baynam’s half century of life

After succeeding to his estate in 1444 Thomas Baynam went onwards to develop the estate and for time to become involved in the administration of Gloucestershire. On 30th September 1450 Thomas Baynam, while serving as escheator Gloucestershire, conducted an inquisition into the manor of Teynton in which it was found to be held in chief to the king. The manor was claimed by Edmund Ferrers as heir male to his deceased brother William Ferrers. Edmund subsequently petitioned the king to enter the manor without paying the entry fine. Henry VI granted entry without fine on account of Edmund’s poverty.[21]
   
On 9th January 1456 Thomas Baynam was witness to a deed of feoffment by John Joce of land in various locations, including within the Forest of Dean, to five other men. From this feoffment Joce was establishing an endowment for a chantry in Llanthony priory after his death which occurred sometime before February 1466.[22]
   
In 1471 Thomas Baynam became a justice of the peace for Gloucestershire and he enjoyed this honour until his death in 1500.[23] In 1476 Thomas Baynam was made sheriff of the county.[24] In 1478 Thomas Baynam became warden of the Forest of Dean and constable of St. Briavel’s castle and position he held until 1483.[25]
   
With these honours and responsibilities Thomas Baynam also found time for marriage. His bride was Margaret, daughter of Sir John Hody, M.P. for Shrewsbury (1421-27), Dorset (1431) and Somerset (1433-37).[26] This marriage produced a son, Alexander Baynam who succeeded his father at Mitcheldean in 1500. Meanwhile by 1471 Thomas Baynam got married a second time with Alice Walwyn as his new wife.[27] Alice Walwyn was an heiress of the Greyndour family and thus the marriage united the two parts of Mitcheldean manor into the control of the Baynam family.[28]

Over the years Thomas Baynam expanded his property portfolio from his initial very modest size estate at Mitcheldean. He ultimately became lord of Abenhall; Clearwell in Newland; Hathaways in Ruardean and Aston Ingham. He also acquired Putley and Bykerton in Herefordshire.[29] Thomas Baynam also inherited the manors of Clearwell, Noxton and Nasse (held of the abbot of Flaxley) from his second wife Alice Walwyn as heir of the Greyndour family.[30] Using his acquired income Baynam invested in property elsewhere. Thus he became mortgagee to seven manors in Somerset.[31]

Having seen the coming and going of the War of the Roses with the end of the Plantagenet dynasty and the birth of the Tudor monarchy Thomas Baynam died in 1500 after a long and eventful life.[32] The Baynam family continued to hold Mitchelsdean and the other estates. In the military survey of Gloucestershire in 1522 Sir Alexander Baynam was lord of the manor of Mitchelsdean (worth £20) while George Baynam was lord of Abdenhall (worth £15).[33]

End of the road

In the reign of another dynasty king, James I, a descendant of Thomas Baynam, also called Thomas Baynam, left only daughters as his heirs. One of these daughters, Cecily, married William Throgmorton of Tortworth and thus Clearwell passed to the Throgmorton family.[34] Meanwhile the manor of Mitcheldean continued in the Baynam family until 1619 when Alexander Baynam sold it to Nicholas Roberts of London and Stanton Harcourt.[35]

Conclusion

At the beginning of the fifteenth century Robert Baynam inherited a modest estate from his father, John Baynam, which was mostly acquired by marriage in the 1340s. Robert Baynam kept the estate in its modest size for his underage son to inherit while out traveling in Gloucestershire gentry society. After the suspect start to his tenure with a dodgy proof of age, the son, Thomas Baynam expanded the estate by purchase and marriage while at the same time fulfilling official duties in the government of the shire. Thomas Baynam managed to negotiate his way through the Wars of the Roses without too much damage and emerge in the full light of the new Tudor age. Thus the Baynam family survived the fifteenth century and grew in standing.


Bibliography

Calendar of Close Rolls, Henry VI, 1441-1447
Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry VI, 1436-1441
Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry VI, 1446-1452
Collins, A., The Baronettage of England: Being an Historical and Genealogical Account of Baronets from their first Institution in the reign of King James I, Volume 1 (London, 1720)
Holford, M.L. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXVI, 21 to 25 Henry VI, 1442-1447 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2009)
Noble, C. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, 1437-1442 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2009)
Holford, M.L., Mileson, S.A., Noble, C.V. & Parkin, K. (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXIV, 1432-1437 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2010)
Hoyle, R.W. (ed.), The military survey of Gloucestershire, 1522 (Gloucester Record Series, Vol. 6, 1993)
Parkin, K. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, 1422-1427 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2009)
Rhodes, J. (ed.), A calendar of the Registers of the Priory of Llanthony by Gloucester 1457-1466, 1501-1525 (Bristol & Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, 2002)
Taylor, C., An analysis of the Domesday Survey of Gloucestershire (Bristol, 1889)

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[2] Holford, M.L. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXVI, 21 to 25 Henry VI, 1442-1447 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2009), no. 145
[3] Noble, C. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, 1437-1442 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2009), no. 612
[4] Parkin, K. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, 1422-1427 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2009), pp. 33, 34, 35
[7] Holford, M.L., Mileson, S.A., Noble, C.V. & Parkin, K. (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXIV, 1432-1437 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2010), no. 598
[8] Taylor, C., An analysis of the Domesday Survey of Gloucestershire (Bristol, 1889), pp. 25, 204, 317
[9] Holford & others (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXIV, 1432-1437, no. 598
[10] Holford & others (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXIV, 1432-1437, no. 598
[12] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry VI, 1436-1441, p. 132 at www.uiowa.edu/patentrolls
[14] Noble, C. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXV, 1437-1442, no. 612
[15] Holford (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXVI, 1442-1447, no. 145
[16] Holford (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXVI, 1442-1447, no. 145
[17] Holford (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXVI, 1442-1447, no. 145
[18] Holford & others (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXIV, 1432-1437, no. 598
[19] Holford & others (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXIV, 1432-1437, nos. 590, 591, 599, 604
[20] Calendar of Close Rolls, Henry VI, 1441-1447
[21] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry VI, 1446-1452, pp. 413-4 at www.uiowa.edu/patentrolls accessed on 24th May 2013
[22] Rhodes, J. (ed.), A calendar of the Registers of the Priory of Llanthony by Gloucester 1457-1466, 1501-1525 (Bristol & Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, 2002), nos. 91-2
[23] Rhodes (ed.), A calendar of the Registers of the Priory of Llanthony by Gloucester, p. 47, note 1
[24] Rhodes (ed.), A calendar of the Registers of the Priory of Llanthony by Gloucester, p. 47, note 1
[25] Rhodes (ed.), A calendar of the Registers of the Priory of Llanthony by Gloucester, p. 47, note 1
[26] https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Hody-9 accessed on 10th September 2017
[28] http://stmichaelmitcheldean.co.uk/guidem.html accessed on 10th September 2017
[29] Rhodes (ed.), A calendar of the Registers of the Priory of Llanthony by Gloucester, p. 47, note 1
[31] Rhodes (ed.), A calendar of the Registers of the Priory of Llanthony by Gloucester, p. 47, note 1
[32] Rhodes (ed.), A calendar of the Registers of the Priory of Llanthony by Gloucester, p. 47, note 1
[33] Hoyle, R.W. (ed.), The military survey of Gloucestershire, 1522 (Gloucester Record Series, Vol. 6, 1993), p. 73
[34] Collins, A., The Baronettage of England: Being an Historical and Genealogical Account of Baronets from their first Institution in the reign of King James I, Volume 1 (London, 1720), p. 296

Monday, September 11, 2017

Dunheved family in thirteenth century Devonshire

Dunheved family in thirteenth century Devonshire

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

   
During the thirteen century a family by the name of Dunheved lived in Devonshire. Their relationship with other people called Dunheved is as yet unknown. These other families include the Dunheved family of Dunheved near Mells in Somerset and that of John de Dunheved in Warwickshire and a barber in the Diocese of Winchester.[1] This article will attempt to add something to the story of a family that was of the landed class but below the tenants in chief of the king class and thus one or two steps away from the bulk of surviving medieval documents.

Geoffrey de Dunheved

The first of these Devon people was Geoffrey de Dunheved. In the 19th year of Henry III (1234-1235) Geoffrey de Dunheved and his wife Margery gave the king five marks for having a writ to have an action heard in the Somerset assizes before the itinerant justices. The action was against Henry Beaumont, Tollanus of Coryton and certain others concerning a tenement in Ashwater.[2] Ashwater is a village and civil parish situated in eastern Devonshire about ten miles from the Cornish border.
   
But the writ that he got was written incorrectly and he had to get it replace. Yet beauracy was slow and Geoffrey missed the assizes in Somerset and so got the action changed to the Devon assizes.[3] The result of the action is unknown but Geoffrey’s day in court didn’t put him off the judicial system.
   
In 1238 he was back in court – well – he was supposed to be back in court. It was the first day of the crown pleas of the Devon eyre which was held at Black Torrington in 1238. Geoffrey de Dunheved was due to appear in a case but didn’t turn up. For this offence he was declared at mercy of fine or prosecution for not attending. At the next sitting his legal team informed the court that Geoffrey’s absence was due to his having gone on pilgrimage to Santiago di Compostella.[4]
   
By July 1239 Geoffrey had returned from his pilgrimage and was back in court. This time he paid five marks for a writ so that twelve jurors could hear an action concerning a tenement in Vaglefield (in Cookbury, Devon).[5] After all these courts cases the whole judicial system went to Geoffrey’s head such that in the 24th year of Henry III (1239-1240) Geoffrey was charged 40s for bringing a false claim.[6]

With all these court cases it would be nice to find some members of the Dunheved family in the medieval documents known as Feet of Fines, which usually record land transactions but no members can be found and the only Dunheved is the place of that name near Launceston.[7]

A few years later, in 1242, we learn that Geoffrey de Dunheved, with William Avenell, held two fees in Ashwater of the honour of Barnstaple.[8] In the Domesday Book Ashwater was held by Alwin in 1066 and by the Bishop of Coutances 1086 where there was land for 20 ploughs and it paid tax for one hide. In 1066 and 1086 the manor was worth £7 10s.[9] The Tracy family later acquired the manor and held it in the thirteenth century from whom it was rented by Geoffrey de Dunheved. William Avenell held a half knight’s fee at Suideleg of Henry de Tracy at the time of William’s death in 37 Henry III (1252-3) and was succeeded by his heir, Matthew de Forneaus.[10]

Ashwater church by Colin Madge

Walter de Dunheved

After 1242 the records stay silent about Geoffrey. It would appear that Geoffrey left family by his wife Margery as many decades later Sir Walter de Dunheved held an interest in the same Ashwater.
   
Sir Walter de Dunheved was patron of the parish of Ashwater in the diocese of Exeter. In 1270/1 and in 1280 Sir Walter de Dunheved presented rectors to the parish, William de Esse and Nicholas de Gatecumbe, respectively.[11] The church of St. Peter at Ashwater is of thirteenth century date but has within a Norman font of Cornish design.

It is said that it was Walter de Dunheved who began the change of name of Ashwater from the old name of Esse which was a common name elsewhere to Essewater from which it evolved over the centuries to become by 1758 the name of Ashwater.[12]

The final years

It appears that sometime after 1280 and before 1303 the Dunheved family died out. In 1303 Reginald de Bevill and Peter de Donysland held Ashwater according to the tax poll of that year.[13] In 1326 Eleanor, wife of Philip de Columbraiis, was given one fee in Ashwater, held by Robert de Carindon (worth £10) as the sister and co-heir of William, son of William Martin.[14] In 1345 Roger Carminow held Ashwater manor and his descendants held the manor until 1443 when Thomas Carninow left it to his daughter and her husband, Sir Thomas Carew.[15]

The Devonshire lay subsidy of 1332 makes no mention of anybody in Devon by the name of Dunheved by that time.[16] As the Dunheved family didn’t hold their estates directly from the king the avoided mention in the various volumes of the Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem which possibly was of no big deal to the Dunheved family but which means that modern historians can’t trace their birth, deaths and estates like what can be done for other medieval families. Thus a family that was important enough in the thirteenth century to hold a manor and the advowson of a parish church faded into the dark side of history and the sometimes described ‘static’ medieval period changed form and shape.

Bibliography

Bennett, J.A. (ed.), Report on the Manuscripts of Wells Cathedral (London, 1885)
Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward 1, 1281-1292
Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward II, 1317-1321
Calendar of Close Rolls, Edward II, 1323-1327
Dryburgh, P. & Hartland, B. (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of the reign of Henry III (National Archives & Boydell Press, London, 2009)
Hingeston-Randolph, Rev. F.C. (ed.), The Registers of Walter Bronescombe and Peter Quivil, bishops of Exeter (London, George Bell & Sons, 1889)
Reichel, Rev. O.J. (ed.), Devon Feet of Fines, Volume 1, Richard 1-Henry III, 1196-1272 (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, 1912)
Reichel, Rev. O.J., Prideaux, F.B. & Tapley-Soper, H. (eds.), Devon Feet of Fines, Volume II, 1 Edward 1-43 Edward III, 1272-1369 (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, 1939)
Sharp, J.E.E.S. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Vol. 1, Henry III (Liechtenstein, 1973)
Sharp, J.E.E.S. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Vol. II, Edward 1 (Liechtenstein, 1973)
Summerson, H. (ed.), Crown Pleas of the Devon Eyre of 1238 (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, New Series, Vol. 28, 1985)
Thorn, C. & F. (eds.), Domesday Book, 9, Devon, part one (Chichester, 1985)

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[1] Bennett, J.A. (ed.), Report on the Manuscripts of Wells Cathedral (London, 1885), pp. 207, 293, 294, 295; Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward 1, 1281-1292, p. 104; Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward II, 1317-1321, p. 74; Sharp, J.E.E.S. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Vol. II, Edward 1 (Liechtenstein, 1973), nos. 306 (p. 177), 593 (p. 352), 640 (p. 395)
[2] Dryburgh, P. & Hartland, B. (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of the reign of Henry III (National Archives & Boydell Press, London, 2009), no. 19/404
[3] Dryburgh & Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of the reign of Henry III, no. 19/484
[4] Summerson, H. (ed.), Crown Pleas of the Devon Eyre of 1238 (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, New Series, Vol. 28, 1985), no. 269, seen on 24th May 2013
[5] Dryburgh & Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of the reign of Henry III, no. 23/285
[6] Dryburgh & Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of the reign of Henry III, no. 24/67
[7] Reichel, Rev. O.J. (ed.), Devon Feet of Fines, Volume 1, Richard 1-Henry III, 1196-1272 (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, 1912); Reichel, Rev. O.J., Prideaux, F.B. & Tapley-Soper, H. (eds.), Devon Feet of Fines, Volume II, 1 Edward 1-43 Edward III, 1272-1369 (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, 1939)
[8] Summerson (ed.), Crown pleas of the Devonshire Eyre of 1238, no. 269 from the Testa de Nevil Tax Roll
[9] Thorn, C. & F. (eds.), Domesday Book, 9, Devon, part one (Chichester, 1985), no. 3.4
[10] Sharp, J.E.E.S. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Vol. 1, Henry III (Liechtenstein, 1973), no. 278
[11] Hingeston-Randolph, Rev. F.C. (ed.), The Registers of Walter Bronescombe and Peter Quivil, bishops of Exeter (London, George Bell & Sons, 1889), pp. 71, 109 and fols. 47, 97
[14] Calendar of Close Rolls, Edward II, 1323-1327, p. 597
[16] Erskine, A. (ed.), The Devonshire Lay Subsidy of 1332 (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, New Series, Vol. 14, 1969)